Home     Photo Gallery     Classroom     Documents
Puerto Rico in the Great Depression

1. Ethnologists believe that the aborigines of the Antilles made their way to the islands from nearby points on the South American Continent.

2. In the pre-Columbian period the two large Indian tribes of Tupi Galibi stock, the Caribs and the Aruacas, were constantly at war with each other. Finally the Caribs overpowered the Aruacas on the Continent, and forced them to take refuge in the Antilles. A part of the tribe settled in Puerto Rico, or as it was known to the Indians, Boriquén (often Hispanicized to Borinquen).

3. This was the tribe Columbus found inhabiting the Island on his second voyage to the New World in November, 1493. Ponce de León was struck by the beauty of the Island and the friendliness of the natives. At that time it is estimated the Indians, who were called Boriqueños by the settlers, numbered not more than 60,000.

4. The Boriqueños were having a hard struggle to hold the Island against attacks of their blood relatives and bitter enemies, the Caribs. This warlike tribe, hunters of man and beast, for they were cannibals; had spread out from their base on the Continent. They had taken over, one by one, the islands of the lesser Antilles to the west and south of Puerto Rico. Perhaps the large island would have been their next conquest. At any rate there is evidence of their frequent landings on the seacoast, their destruction of peaceful Arawak villages, and abduction of women and children to satisfy their carnal and gastronomical appetites.

5. The coming of the Spaniards undoubtedly saved the Boriqueños from this fate. But the alternative was little better. In 1582 the Spanish Governor of the colony reported that not one Boriqueño remained on the Island.

6. These Indians were a peace-loving, domestic people, with little or no predatory zeal. They had a well developed social sense, as is evidenced by their political and economic institutions. Their society was based upon the family and the clan, each of which had privileges and obligations within the framework of the tribe. The government was personal and patriarchal. The cacique, or chief of each clan, exercised an authority within his clan that went beyond the bounds of political power. His subjects were his children, and to be governed as such. He was the final arbiter of all questions within his province, the leader of the clansmen in battle, and was responsible for the orderliness and safety of his village and the friendliness of its relations with other villages. But he, in turn, acted under the authority of the cacique of the largest clan who was the chief of the tribe.

7. At the time Ponce de León took possession of the Island, Agüeybana, a wise and friendly cacique, was chief of the Arawaks. He lived at Guánica, the largest Indian village in Puerto Rico, on the Guayanilla River.

8. The rank of each cacique apparently was established along democratic lines; his importance in the tribe being determined by the size of his clan, rather than its war-making strength. But undoubtedly the priests, as is usual among primitive peoples, had considerable influence in the choice of leaders and determination of policy. There was no aristocracy of lineage, nor were their titles other than those given to individuals to distinguish their services to the clan. However, there were social castes determined by birth, and class distinctions determined by type and quality of service rendered. The three castes were known as the Mationjeri, the Bopari, and the Guaopari.

9. The caciques, in view of the fact that each village or clan had one, may have been numerous enough to constitute a class in themselves. Then came the nitaynos, or sub-chiefs, even more numerous, for each cacique had a number of lieutenants among whom he delegated his duties: one to lead in hunting; one in fishing, and the like. The bohiques, medicine-men or shamans, were a class apart. Judging by the influence religion and magic had upon the people, this class must have been large and powerful. The lowest class in the clan was the nabori, or ordinary worker. There was no distinction in the type of work he performed: he might be tilling the soil, making implements, hunting, fishing, or fighting, according to the need of the moment; all tasks were equally respected.

   

10. The division of labor and apportioning of its products were matters for the cacique to decide. Property was a communal affair. The Boriqueño had only an elemental sense of acquisitiveness; his food and adornment were for the moment, and he made no effort to acquire more than he could use nor tried to save for the future. He was honest, both because his wants were simple and because he had never learned the value of dishonesty. Even after the Spaniards came to exploit him, to enslave his people and plunder his Island in their ruthless search for treasure, he continued to lack acquisitiveness. The early settlers needed neither doors nor locks to protect their property; their gold, clothing, and other possessions were never touched.

11. The Boriqueños gave a distinguishing name to each of their villages, but they were all laid out on the same general plan. Two main streets intersected in a public square called the batey. The cacique's house, the bohío, stood in the center of the village facing the batey. It had the distinction of being rectangular, whereas all other houses were round, and of having a shaded porch fronting on the public square. The houses were constructed of palm leaves and mud, similar to the bohíos, or thatched huts, of today. Smaller alleys branched off the main streets along which the houses were crowded. Village activities centered in the batey. All types of meetings, games, dances, and martial exercises were held in front of the cacique's porch.

12. It is doubtful if the batey was used for religious rites. These were held, it is thought, in sacred places remote from the village where. they were completely under the control of shamans; they were shrouded in mystery and accessible only to the initiate. In various places throughout the Antilles and particularly in Puerto Rico are found level spaces enclosed by rings of stones, apparently the remains of seats. Tumuli, mounds of earth used for the burial of the dead, are often located a short distance outside the enclosures. The present day natives call these fields Juegos de Bola or Cercados de los Indios. They may, it is true, have been used for ball games, but it seems far more probable that they were reserved for the celebration of solemn religious ceremonies.

13. The Boriqueños had difficulty distinguishing between life and death. They had no concept of the soul, nor had they developed the idea of immortality in a region different from the world of their daily lives. For them this life did not end with death. After a brief interlude the deceased person, now called a jupia, retired to a secluded part of the Island called the coaibay. There he stayed quiescent during the day. At night, however, he wandered afield, eating wild fruits and often getting in touch with his living neighbors. The jupias were themselves mortal, but just what further coaibay they retired to on their next death was never developed, nor did their movements in any way bring them closer to the tribal gods. The living, in fact, were presumed to know as much of the gods as did the jupias. Thus, the mystery of death played no part in their religion.

14. Moral sanctions, however, were enforced through their conception of the power of the gods. The Boriqueños worshipped the spirit of good but gave no thought to reward and punishment in the next world; rather their favor or disfavor in the eyes of the gods won them mundane benefits.

15. Guqyuivi, the spirit of good, was the chief dispenser of benefits. He protected the lives of the Indians, their fields, and their homes in the mountains. Jurakán, the spirit of evil, caused death and destruction. Other personifications of this mythological dualism were the gods Zemi and Maboya. Zemi, a god of both sexes, was devoted to the home and was symbolized by a potent amulet accompanying the Indian to his grave. Maboya, on the other hand, was a ,nocturnal deity who destroyed the crops and was feared by all the natives, to the extent that elaborate sacrifices were offered to placate him.

16. The bohique's, functions extended beyond the sphere of religion. He was physician to the clan, treating, often curing, with witchcraft or with practical remedies. He was responsible for the continuation of tribal culture. He supervised the education of the children and preserved by word of. mouth the stories of the past, the myths and traditions .of the tribe. It was also his duty to prepare the youths who were to succeed him in the art of witchcraft and medicine.

17. Music was a vital element in the tribe's culture and was introduced into all its activities. Music among the Boriqueños was a well developed art in comparison to that usually found among primitive peoples. The boriqueña, a tribal song, was a monotonous recitative with irregular interpolations of off-key intervals. It was accompanied by the rhythmical tones of the wooden tabor, the maguey, and of gourd rattles called maracas. The latter are still used by Puerto Rican natives to accent rhythm. A form of pageantry and dance was consistently woven in and out of the music, the whole resembling a modern operatic production. The performances were usually based upon historical or religious themes. It is believed that some of this prehistoric music survives in the Negro dance, called the bomba, common to the Antilles, the refrain of which goes:

    Aye bomba ya bombai
    La massana Anacaona.

18. At the time of Columbus' discovery the Boriqueños had passed through the nomadic hunting and fishing stage and had become attached to the soil. They had always been fishermen rather than hunters, for there were few wild animals on the islands, but an abundance of fish in the surrounding waters. Moreover, their gentle and nonpredatory nature was adaptable to domestic life, and they made excellent farmers. Cultivating the soil was called kunuku and to them farming was as honorable an occupation as war-making. With their simple primitive implements, favored of course by an ideal climate and soil, they developed a relatively advanced type of farming. They planted cassava, garlic, and potatoes, but their chief crop was the yucubia, which could be pulverized to a nourishing flour. White cassava, known as xau-xau, was made from the yucubia; a starch called anaiboa, much used in cooking, and a vinegar were extracted from the same plant. Another product of the yucubia was a beverage made by fermenting the cassava. Indian corn or maize was also cultivated, and from it they concocted a popular drink.

19. Among the vegetables and fruits cultivated were yautía, mamey, guava, anón, all of which are still known by their original names. Three non-nourishing plants were also extensively cultivated, the ají; (chili), the cojiba (tobacco), and the behn (a purgative).

    

20. In spite of the warm climate and generous nature which supplied the simple needs of the Boriqueños, they were not an indolent race. On the contrary, they were notably industrious and had developed a fairly high type of craftsmanship. Hammocks, bracelets, and necklaces were made. Out of the majagua and the maguey plants cords were drawn to be known as cabuyas, a name by which they are still called. The craft of basket weaving was highly developed as well as carving and polishing stones and the making of pottery. Wood believed to be black mahogany was beautifully carved into implements, trays, and idols.

21. Numerous archeological discoveries testify to the craftsmanship of the Boriqueños. Among them are idols carved out of stone and marble; others modeled in clay, to represent grotesque hybrids, part man and part ape, a snake with a human face, or a distorted frog. Some of the human features have oblique eyes, marking perhaps the Mongolian ancestry of the race. The artifacts found include many necklaces and bands for the arms and ankles. The latter are usually carved out of jasper or serpentine marble and highly polished; the former are of beads of turquoise or marble.

22. According to the accounts of their Spanish conquerors, the Boriqueños made use of gold which they found in auriferous sand banks in several parts of the Island. But no specimens of the Indians' use of this metal have been uncovered, nor is there any evidence that they utilized copper and bronze.

23. Clay offered the Boriqueños their best material, and they became expert and artistic potters. They made all types of earthen vessels, cooking pans and pots, amphorae, small jars in which beads and amulets were kept, and large plates, called buren, from which they ate. Many of the vessels were well modeled and embellished with intricate patterns. Amulets, idols, and masks were also modeled in clay.

24. Unfortunately, but few of the archeological specimens unearthed in Puerto Rico remain on the Island. The collections made by Latimer, Fewkes, Stahl, Newman, Pinart, and other well-known archeologists are now housed in the Smithsonian Institution in Washington, D.C., or in museums in New York, Paris, London, and other European cities.

25. The Boriqueño had many wives. This was particularly true of the cacique, for he was able to purchase wives through offering dowries of marmoreal bead necklaces, called colesibi, and much appreciated by the women. The daughter of a cacique or nitayno often held out for a larger price. In her case it took gold pieces to lure her into the polygamous household. The simple nabori, or workman, led a more restricted conjugal life, for he lacked the means to offer desirable dowries. Often he had to be satisfied with a woman cast off by a cacique. This buying of women was found in every settlement. Marriage had no religious character and little romance. Yet it is true that love between the sexes was something more than the mere possession of the female. The first woman in the family was a person of importance. This is evidenced by the fact that a modified form of matriarchy existed under which the son of the cacique's sister inherited the chieftainship rather than the cacique's own son.

26. The Boriqueños were characterized by Columbus as a race "the color of canaries," but bronze may be a better term for the coloration. They were slightly smaller in stature than the Spanish, but very sturdy and active. Their freedom from the great plagues that harassed both the Old and New Worlds was due to a variety of circumstances, some of which were a matter of chance. But their personal habits of cleanliness, their balance of physical activity with a tranquil domestic life, their diversified diet and avoidance of over-indulgence, as well as the healthful environment nature offered them, were in great part responsible for their well-being. Their cleanliness was noted by the Spaniards, who commented upon the constant bathing of the Boriqueños. Their breech-clouts clothed them sufficiently; other garments were worn only for ceremonial purposes. They painted their skin, partly for adornment, but even more; as an effective protection against mosquitoes. Whether or not they were aware of the disease-bearing threat of the mosquito, their avoidance of it was a great lifesaver. They chose healthful sites remote from swamps for their villages. In this they showed a wisdom their conquerors might have followed, for many of the early Spanish settlements were located in the worst possible spots and promptly devastated by yellow fever and malaria.

27. The Boriqueño's diet ranged far; it included wild fowl, fish, numerous vegetables, cereals, and fruits. The sweet potato was prepared in various ways; with cassava bread it provided the basic starches on their menu. Cooking had become an art; elaborate roasts were served, spiced with chili. Salt was not used. The Boriqueños drank a great deal of water, but from fermented cassava and corn they made a strong alcoholic drink for festive occasions. They ate twice a day, morning and night, and indulged in tobacco after dining.

28. The skull of the Boriqueño was round, with a slanting forehead; its modeling was probably affected by the practice, of compressing the heads of infants. The face was large, the jaw pronounced, the lips were thick, and the eyes large, black, and set well apart. On the whole, the Boriqueño was a pleasing-looking specimen of manhood, with none of the exaggerated distortions often practiced by primitive peoples. The beauty of the Boriqueña was recognized throughout the Antilles. The tales of the early explorers and the reports of Spanish governors give testimony to their attractiveness. Frequently, the Boriqueñas taken to wife by the Spaniards are described as being of astonishing beauty and almost as white as Castillian women.

29. The language of the Puerto Rico Indians resembled that social standing and any children born to her were classed as commoners.

    

30. Later, when commoners married into the nobility, their descendants became members of the aristocracy through intermarriage. This applied only to members of the white race, with the exception of the descendants of families of caciques who were considered hidalgos according to the royal decree of Charles I and Phillip II.

31. Between 1808 and 1823 immigration from Santo Domingo, South America, Haiti, and Louisiana flourished, bringing many people of the leisure class who intermarried in Puerto Rico. After the Spanish-American War, many American soldiers remained on the Island, married Puerto Rican women and settled principally in the fruit-growing sections in the northern part of the Island.

32. The Negro population is descended from slave ancestors who were brought to Puerto Rico in 1513 from the Guinea Coast by Flemish, Genoese, Portuguese, Dutch, and English traders. In order to prevent insurrections among the slaves, a royal decree provided that Negro women be brought to the Island. During the sixteenth, seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, large numbers of slaves were imported, primarily to labor on the sugar cane plantations. Today, a majority of the Negroes live in sections where their ancestors labored, comparatively few having migrated to the mountains.

    THE JíBARO

33. Nearly three-fourths of the population live in rural areas. Many rural dwellers are landless peasants, locally known as jíbaros. Largely of Spanish stock, still retaining the traditions and customs of provincial Spain, isolated by the lack of roads and communications until after the American occupation, forced by specialized agriculture and unemployment to a low standard of living, the jíbaros has long constituted a serious social problem.

34. Many Insular agencies are co-operating in an effort to rehabilitate the jíbaros. By establishing these landless peasants on small plots of land which they can ultimately acquire as their property, concentration of population in rural and urban slums is avoided, and the jíbaros is afforded a chance to raise foodstuffs for his own use. The Insular Departments of Labor and Agriculture and the PRRA have done much toward the resettlement of the jíbaros on the land, supplying him with houses, seed, and electricity. The Insular Departments of Education and Health have for many years been engaged in the tremendous task of reducing illiteracy and giving vocational training and hygiene instruction. By means of research at the School of Tropical Medicine and the system of regional clinics operated by the Insular Department of Health, the incidence of disease among the jíbaros has been much reduced. (See Resources and Their Conservation, History, Agriculture, Education.) As recently as 1931, Dr. José C. Rosario in his monograph, The Development of the Puerto Rican jíbaros and His Present Attitude Towards Society (see Books About Puerto Rico), could characterize the jíbaros as "barefoot, ignorant and sickly, superstitious, and dreadfully inefficient," and as "the Island's greatest social problem." The recognition of this problem by Insular and Federal agencies, and their efforts to solve it, have already done much to alter this picture.